by the Surrealist Group of France, 1932
For centuries the soldiers, priests and civil agents of imperialism, in a welter of looting, outrage and wholesale murder, have with impunity grown fat off the colored races. Now it is the turn of the demagogues, with their counterfeit liberalism.
But the proletariat of today, whether metropolitan or colonial, is no longer to be fooled by fine words as to the real end in view, which is still, as it always was, the exploitation of the greatest number for the benefit of a few slavers. Now these slavers, knowing their days to be numbered and reading the doom of their system in the world crisis, fall back on a gospel of mercy, whereas in reality they rely more than ever on their traditional methods of slaughter to enforce their tyranny. No great penetration is required to read between the lines of the news, whether in print or on the screen: punitive expeditions, Blacks lynched in America, the white scourge devastating town and country in our parliamentary kingdoms and bourgeois republics.
War, that reliable colonial endemic, receives fresh impulse in the name of "pacification." France may well be proud of having launched this Godsent euphemism at the precise moment when, in throes of pacifism, she sent forth her tried and trusty thugs with instructions to plunder all those distant and defenseless peoples from whom the intercapitalistic butchery had distracted her attentions for a space. The most scandalous of these wars, that against the Riffians in 1925, stimulated a number of intellectuals, investors in militarism, to assert their complicity with the hangmen of jingo and capital.
Responding to the appeal of the Communist Party, we protested against the war in Morocco and made our declaration in Revolution Now and Forever!
In a France hideously inflated from having dismembered Europe, made mincemeat of Africa, polluted Oceania and ravaged whole tracts of Asia, we surrealists pronounced ourselves in favor of changing the imperialist war, in its chronic and colonial form, into a civil war. Thus we placed our energies in the service of the revolution - of the proletariat and its struggles - and defined our attitude toward the colonial problem, and hence toward the color question.
Gone were the days when the delegates of this sniveling capitalism might screen themselves in those abstractions which, in both secular and religious mode, were invariably inspired by the Christian ignominy and which strove on the most grossly interested grounds to masochize whatever people had not yet been contaminated by the sordid moral and religious codes in which men feign to find authority for the exploitation of their fellows.
When whole peoples had been decimated with fire and sword it became necessary to round up the survivors and domesticate them in such a cult of labor as could only proceed from the notions of original sin and atonement.
The clergy and professional philanthropists have always collaborated with the army in this bloody exploitation. The colonial machinery that extracts the last penny from natural advantages hammers away with the joyful regularity of a pole ax. The white man preaches, doses, vaccinates, assassinates and (from himself) receives absolution. With his psalms, his speeches, his guarantees of liberty, equality and fraternity, he seeks to drown the noise of his machine guns. It is no good objecting that these periods of rapine are only a necessary phase and pave the way, in the words of the time-honored formula, "for an era of prosperity founded on a close and intelligent collaboration between the natives and the metropolis!" It is no good trying to palliate collective outrage and butchery by jury in the new colonies by inviting us to consider the old, and the peace and prosperity they have so long enjoyed. It is no good blustering about the Antilles and the "happy evolution" that has enabled them to be assimilated, or very nearly, by France.
In the Antilles, as in America, the fun began with the total extermination of the natives, in spite of their having extended a most cordial reception to the Christopher Columbian invaders. Were they now - in the hour of triumph, and having come so far - to set out empty-handed for home? Never! So they sailed on to Africa and stole men. These were in due course promoted by our humanists to the ranks of slavery, but were more or less exempted from the sadism of their masters by virtue of the fact that they represented a capital which had to be safeguarded like any other capital. Their descendants, long since reduced to destitution (in the French Antilles they live on vegetables and salt cod and are dependent in the matter of clothing on whatever old guano sacks they are lucky enough to steal), constitute a Black proletariat whose conditions of life are even more wretched than those of its European equivalent and which is exploited by a colored bourgeoisie quite as ferocious as any other. This bourgeoisie, covered by the machine guns of culture, "elects" such perfectly adequate representatives as "Hard Labor" Diagne and "Twister" Delmont.
The intellectuals of this new bourgeoisie, though they may not all be specialists in parliamentary abuse, are no better than the experts when they proclaim their devotion to the Spirit. The value of this idealism is precisely given by the maneuvers of its doctrinaires who, in their paradise of comfortable iniquity, have organized a system of poltroonery proof against all the necessities of life and the urgent consequences of dream. These gentlemen, votaries of corpses and theosophies, go to ground in the past, vanish down the warrens of Himalayan monasteries. Even for those whom a few last shreds of shame and intelligence dissuage from invoking those current religions whose God is too frankly a God of cash, there is the call of some "mystic Orient" or other. Our gallant sailors, policemen and agents of imperialist thought, in league with opium and literature, have swamped us with their irretentions of nostalgia; the function of all these idyllic alarms among the dead and gone being to distract our thoughts from the present, the abominations of the present.
A holy-saint-faced international of hypocrites deprecates the material progress foisted on the Blacks; protests, courteously, against the importation not only of alcohol, syphilis and field artillery but also of railways and printing. This comes well after the former rejoicings of its evangelical spirit at the idea that the "spiritual values" current in capitalist societies, and notably respect for human life and property, would devolve naturally from enforced familiarity with fermented drinks, firearms and disease. It is scarcely necessary to add that the colonist demands this respect for property without reciprocity. Those Blacks who have merely been compelled to distort in terms of fashionable jazz the natural expression of their joy at finding themselves partners of a universe from which Western peoples have willfully withdrawn may consider themselves lucky to have suffered nothing worse than degradation. The eighteenth century derived nothing from China except a repertoire of frivolities to grace the alcove. In the same way the whole object of our romantic exoticism and modern travel lust is of use only in entertaining that class of blasé clients sly enough to see an interest in deflecting to his own advantage the torrent of those energies which soon, sooner than he thinks, will close over his head.
BRETON, ROGER CAILLOIS, RENÉ CHAR, RENÉ CREVEL,
PAUL ELUARD, J.-M. MONNEROT,
This declaration, written in 1932, first appeared in Nancy Cunard's Negro anthology (1934), translated by Samuel Beckett.